Michael Shellenberger: Co-Director, The Breakthrough Institute
Michael Shellenberger is co-director of the Breakthrough Institute, a think tank, and co-founder of the research and strategy firm American Environics. Michael works on and writes about everything from politics to energy to changing social values. In early 2007, Houghton Mifflin will publish Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus' The Death of Environmentalism and the Birth of a New Aspirational Politics. In October, 2004, Shellenberger and Nordhaus published an essay by the same name, creating a major national debate over the future of environmentalism and progressive politics. In 2003 Michael co-founded the Apollo Alliance, referred to by the New Yorker as "an influential umbrella organization of Greens and trade unionists" that is advocating a New Apollo Project to create three million clean energy jobs, free America from foreign oil, and re-establish America's global economic leadership. Michael has written articles on issues ranging from the New Apollo Project to ethical trade for the L.A. Times, the American Prospect, the Philadelphia Inquirer, Glamour Magazine, and other publications. He is also the author of Race to the Top, a report on NGO ethical business campaigns. Michael speaks Spanish and Portuguese and received his Masters Degree in cultural anthropology from the University of California, Santa Cruz in 1996.What lead you to conclude that environmentalism is dead?
What we actually wrote was that environmentalism is incapable of dealing with the great ecological crises of our day and thus must die so that a new, more aspirational, expansive and powerful politics can be born. We took pains to acknowledge in our essay that environmentalism has accomplished a great deal. We are grateful for what it's done, especially in the so-called developed world. The air is cleaner in cities like Los Angeles. Rivers no longer catch on fire, as they did in the 1960s, because of industrial contamination. Large swaths of land and wilderness have been protected. But look where we're at today. The ecological crises we face - global warming, species extinction, the destruction of the Amazon, to name a few - are far more complex, global, and tied to the economy than the problems the environmental movement was created to address 40 years ago. And yet environmentalists haven't reconceptualized these problems nor revamped their politics. As a consequence, environmentalists are weaker today than at any point in recent American history. Environmentalism is today more of a tradition than a movement. At least in the U.S., environmentalism is a victim of its own success. The passing of dozens of environmental laws in the late 60s and early 70s created the impression among environmentalists that they had a popular mandate. Since at least the early 90s environmentalists have not been able to generate the political will needed to deal with the really big threats to a human future, such as global warming and the Amazon. Environmentalism has, in a variety of ways, failed to evolve with the times.
What's preventing environmentalism from changing?
The problem is with the category itself. What do we mean by the "the environment," anyway? Why do we include in the category of "the environment" or "Nature" those Amazonian Indians who log the forest but not street children in Rio de Janeiro who consume almost nothing? What are the implications of creating a politics around such an arbitrary category? These are not just philosophical questions. There are real world political and practical implications to our answers. Some environmentalists have tried to simply broaden the category. In the United States there's been a movement to define asthma from industrial pollution as an environmental problem. In Brazil many people now consider rubber tappers to be environmentalists. But such inclusions only reinforce the fact that what we include and exclude in the category of "the environment" is utterly arbitrary. The human animal is as much a part of the environment as a mahogany tree or a raindrop. Defining humans as outside of the environment is scientifically specious and politically suicidal. But if humans are part of the environment then the concept of the environment is meaningless. Either way, concern for "the environment" is hardly solid footing for a political movement. Of course, these questions are rarely raised outside of academic settings, mostly because environmentalism has been dominated by the natural sciences and has shown little curiosity in the social sciences, especially psychology, which is central to understanding politics.
What about environmentalism outside of the U.S.?
Before writing "Death of" we thought that Europe's environmental movement was far more robust and relevant than our own. Now we're not so sure. What's certain is that Europeans hold the value of ecological concern far more strongly than Americans or Brazilians and, probably, anybody else in the world. But the strength of ecological concern in Europe is really more a cause than a consequence of organized environmentalism. In China there have been major revolts by ordinary people against the industrial contamination of the air and water. At the same time, the government doesn't allow the environmental movement to operate freely. More importantly, the majority of Chinese care far more getting their material needs met than "the environment." The question we have to ask ourselves is this: how do we build popular support for an agenda that results in things like dramatically reduced greenhouse gas emissions and greater sustainable development and conservation of the Amazon? We believe that these demands have to be woven into a wider agenda that people care much more intensely about. Brazil and the U.S. aren't so different in terms of what people care about: jobs, the economy, health care, and security. Environmentalists won't get very far by simply pounding people over the head with more reasons why we have to save trees and jaguars, or burn less carbon.
What explains the fact that environmental organizations are so financially successful in the face of so much political failure?
One of the reasons U.S. environmental leaders have been in so much denial about their political failures is that their organizations have seen their memberships and budgets increase dramatically since the election of President Bush in 2000. In fact, they have explicitly pointed to their financial success as proof of their relevancy. Never mind that they've lost all three branches of the federal government to anti-environmental extremists, and have suffered set-back after set-back on everything from global warming to endangered species. They see increased membership as an affirmation of their work when it, in fact, represents a reaction to the Bush Administration's anti-environmental policies. People contribute money to the NGOs based on their concerns about the state of the world, not on any sort of critical evaluation of NGO effectiveness. There's incredibly little public debate over environmental politics, at least in the U.S. So most people have little to go on other than feeling outraged and wanting to do something or help in some way.
What have you learned from the debate over the essay?
What's incredible is how little debate there's actually been about the substance of the essay itself. Mostly we've been attacked personally and had our motives questioned. The cardinal sin we committed is that we delivered “The Death of Environmentalism” as a paper at the national annual conference of environmental funders. But where else should we have delivered it? There was simply no other opportunity to have a debate over the environmentalist strategy and assumptions. There is no professional association of environmentalists, no annual conference, and no serious journal for practitioners. Is it any surprise that there's been so little evolution of environmentalism? A system without feedback loops can't improve. We've been told that we should have delivered the paper quietly and confidentially to a few of the leaders of the movement -- not issued it publicly. That would have been a recipe for being ignored. Our intention was to create a debate, and that's what we did. Just about every other professional association in the world has one or more peer-reviewed journal and national conference where there are major and often quite heated debates. The American Librarian's Association has more debate over the archival storage of old newspapers than environmental NGOs have over the future of the human species. And they do it openly and transparently without all the fury and paranoia in the reaction to the "The Death of Environmentalism."
How has it felt to have so many people become so angry with something you wrote?
We didn't expect to be embraced with open arms. Of course, it's never easy to have people angry with you or question your intentions, but we felt that what we said had to be said and we are proud to have started a debate that so many people obviously wanted to have. I think much of the anger over "Death of" is a sign of how unaccustomed the American Left has become to public debate. There was a time in the U.S. when you looked to the Left, not the Right, for vigorous debate over ideas. That's no longer the case. One of the great myths among American progressives is that conservatives are monolithic and unified because they are authoritarian and we're democratic. It's simply not the case. Such thinking is exemplifies how the Left underestimates the right. Look at how American progressives have underestimated George W. Bush since 2000. Environmentalists have underestimated the anti-environmentalist right for more than 20 years, when many of the anti-environmental policies were proposed under President Reagan. There are important differences between conservatives and they get fought out publicly. There are religious conservatives, free market libertarians, wealthy Republicans, and neoconservatives (foreign policy hawks who used to be Leftists). We ignore those differences - and shut down debate on our side - at our peril. I also think it's a sign of the intellectual flabbiness among progressives that the central criticism being directed at us for writing "Death of" is that some people's feelings were hurt. Never mind the ecological, cultural and political crisis we're facing - people's feelings were hurt! At the same time, one of the most positive things that's happened since we wrote "Death of" is the huge number of young people -- from young professionals in environmental organizations to college students - who have contacted us asking to be involved in building a post-environmental movement. We're hosting a retreat for a small group of these young people to come together this November.
You're writing a book that will be out in early 2007. What will it be about?
The book is about three things. First, it's about two of the great ecological crises of our time: global warming and the Amazon. Second, it's about the rise and fall of environmentalism. Finally, it's a manifesto for a new, post-environmental politics. In addition to Brazil we're also writing about Europe and China. In all of those cases are looking at the whole country, and where it stands globally, and not just at that narrow set of concerns defined as “the environment.” In the U.S. and Canada our book will be published by Houghton Mifflin, which published Henry David Thoreau's Walden, which started the American conservation movement, and Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, which launched the modern environmental movement.
How do you define post-environmentalism?
Post-environmentalism is the word we are using to describe the thought-movement of former environmentalists who view the so-called "ecological crisis" as conceptually and politically inseparable from the human crisis, and who believe that environmentalism is incapable of turning this crisis into an opportunity. Post-environmentalists share many of the same values and concerns as environmentalists. What we reject is environmentalism's soft misanthropy; its incuriosity about the human sciences, from sociology to psychology to anthropology; its scientistic fetishization of the non-human sciences, like ecological biology (which makes environmentalism, paradoxically, unscientific); its outmoded liberalism, which believes humans are and should be rational, materialist and self-interested individuals; and its gloomy, anti-aspirational focus on "limits" and "restrictions." What post-environmentalism embraces is the recognition that, for people to care about the non-human world they must first have their basic material needs met. We can't expect a favelado to care about the destruction of the Amazon if he's hungry or sick or fears for his physical safety. A post-environmental politics recognizes that it must work to meet people's basic material needs and at the same time, speak to the universal, non-material need for fulfillment, community, love, happiness, and well-being. Post-environmentalism breaks from a the materialist politics of the past, which today fails to speak to higher needs, such as our desire to have a purpose in life and realize our full potential -- both as individuals and as members of the larger human community. In contrast to environmentalism's obsession with limits, constraints, and restrictions, post-environmentalism is obsessed with creating, manufacturing and unleashing a totally different kind of economic growth -- one that is not merely "less destructive"but rather entirely good for both human and non-human worlds. The technology exists for this kind of economic growth; the problem is that our politics haven't caught up. Everyone wants to be inspired by a vision of a better world and by leaders who are true to what they believe in. Environmentalists have spent the last 40 years telling people what they can't have, can't do and can't be. We need to offer a vision to the entire human race about what we can have, can do, and can become. We need to speak as much to people's hopes as to their fears.
Where do you turn for inspiration?
My family, my friends and the beautiful places on California's northern most county, Humboldt.
How did you find your purpose?
By becoming increasingly clear about what I'm good at and what I love.
Is there a particular book that has had a significant impact on your life?
I've been very interested by the sciences, in particular by Darwin's discovery that humans are as much a part of the Earth as a redwood tree or a hurricane. I'm very interested in the contingent nature of scientific truth, and the way that truths often emerge from within old truths rather than from without. Scientists knew that humans came from the Earth before Darwin, they just couldn't explain nearly as well as he could how we emerged from "lower" beings. I'm very interested in philosophy, particularly thinkers who challenge our everyday ways of seeing things. I've been influenced a great deal by thinkers who challenge the theological ideas about Nature, Science, life, and death. Right now I'm very interested in deconstructing many of my assumptions about the world. What changes societies? To what extent do we determine our own values, and to what extent do they determine us?
Does spirituality play a role in your life?
It depends what you mean by spirituality. I don't believe that there is an external being that affects our lives. For me, the sciences reveal awesome mystery with every new discovery. I love it that the more we learn about the worlds we inhabit the more we discover how little we know. I'm interested in being in the world in a way that allows me to constantly be amazed and marvel at the mysteries all around us.
What's your favorite technology or gadget?
Probably our Tivo so we can watch a bit of TV without commercials. I don't really like most of the technology I use, even though I'm always buying the latest computers, phones and cameras for my work.
What's your preferred method of getting your daily news?
I read the New York Times and the San Francisco Chronicle and my home page is always on Google News. I think most magazines are boring and pointless with a few exceptions, such as the New Yorker, which is producing fantastic reporting and writing. The New York Review of Books is a distant second. Most everything else just parrots the banal ephemera of daily life; political magazines on the left and right rarely veer from ideological orthodoxy.
What dream for the world do you think can be achieved in our lifetime?
I try to wear my utopias very lightly. I think we need to help everyone in the world get their basic material needs met so they can work on their fulfillment and happiness. Many people whose basic material needs of food, shelter, security and freedom try to get their post-materialist needs for belonging, purpose, meaning, community and love met through greater materialism, from overeating to shopping to TV. Inevitably they are disappointed. Former American Psychology Association President Dr. Martin Seligman identifies the three sources of happiness as hedonism, the fulfillment of desires through food, shopping, anonymous sex, drugs, alcohol and passive entertainment; flow, the feeling of being engaged in a creative unfolding where time appears to stand still, such as getting in the "zone" through sports or experiencing spiritual ecstasy; and service to others, the experience of helping other people through charity, love, kindness and compassion. Of these three forms of happiness, research shows that flow and service to others - two sources of fulfillment - are more deeply felt, and last longer, than hedonistic pleasures. This isn't complicated stuff, and yet many Americans remain confused about what really matters to living a fulfilling life.
(Interview by CThings Editor, Paul Horne)


